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Reaction about philippine government on edsa 1

In 1986, a critical mass of Filipinos found Marcos and the political order he created sufficiently revolting; and, throwing their support behind a small band of desperate military coup plotters, forced the ailing dictator, his family and his subalterns to flee the country.

  1. And now, I am typing my own realization, and I am relating every lesson I have learned.
  2. Though not all of these were shown on the play. Yes, we can say that dictatorship is already over but the shadows behind it continue to dwell.
  3. Traditional vested interest groups e. Ferdinand Marcos was very strict during that time.
  4. If we want progress, we need to think correctly already. That is because to actions which are done are so close and very the same.

Indeed the momentum of the popular revolt could have been sustained and immediately magnified had a series of progressive government policies been launched and implemented with revolutionary rigor by the successor regime. These policies included people empowerment particularly at the local level, national unification embracing the traditionally marginalized and even the main rebel groups, recovery of plundered public resources and relentless pursuit of those responsible for the rape of an entire nation across several generations.

The revolutionary possibilities indicated by these early policies of the new government however would remain illusory.

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Traditional vested interest groups e. As had happened so often in the history of most nations, collaborationist Philippine elites thought it best to undertake a politics of restoration where their primacy would be guaranteed rather than to assist in the building of a new and, for the historically privileged, a problematic, even outrightly perilous democratic regime.

Most leaders of the 1986 revolt understandably settled on the reassuring shores of oligarchic history rather than embark on the uncharted, revolutionary seas searching for the proverbial terra incognita, a conceivably democratic national destiny.

National unification was pursued without any critical attention being paid to what elements could legitimately be included in or excluded from national life. Thus economic plunderers and scoundrels automatically were inserted as integral parts of post-Marcos transition.

It did not matter much, that for more than two decades, they had abused and looted the nation. National reconciliation was similarly uncritically pursued and perpetrators of appalling crimes, including economic brigandage and human rights abuses, were courted without requiring them to undertake significant restitution to the victims of their rapacity while they retained control of government offices at various levels.

A nation that is successfully misled by its leaders into adopting this convenient and self-serving ambiguity learns to readily forgive and hence to also easily forget.

Reflecting on Edsa

Without a clear memory, no nation can hope to sustain an irreversible revolution, the only truly reliable path to its deserved destiny. The historical record since 1986 reflects the implacable effects of reformist policies which do not basically alter the substantive character of Philippine society and its core political system. Despite the much touted improvements in national economic performance particularly between 1992 and 1997, Philippine per capita income remains low in relation to countries like Thailand and Malaysia and only slightly better than Indonesia within the region.

  1. Together we can change our system, together we can help each remaining individual who is suffering from the dreadful behaviour ruining our own progress, our own improvement and ruining our own wellness.
  2. And now, I am typing my own realization, and I am relating every lesson I have learned.
  3. They never try to open their eyes to see what the reality is; they keep themselves be deceived by money and power.

Independent surveys also indicate that gains made by the national economy in the last 60 have been largely limited to the better-off and had not significantly trickled down to the poorer Filipinos.

Politically, local governments have gained more autonomy, the oligarchic and dynastic characteristics of the political system continue to be apparent and are documented in various studies looking into electoral financing, candidate profiles and public official pedigrees.

Systemic graft and corruption remain at fairly high levels. All would be warned in his inaugural address not to test his presidential resolve to combat graft and corruption. Almost a year into his own presidency, it appears that some of his own close political aides have been hard of hearing at his inauguration.

One could continue documenting the agitating features of Philippine political history after 1986. One could explore the serious challenges of criminality to public safety with about 40 percent at least of the people feeling unsafe whether in their own homes or in the streets of their own neighborhoodor of dissident groups defying public order the CPP-NPA-NDF communist threat and the Muslim Islamic Liberation Front or the politicization of purportedly neutral government institutions such as the judiciary and the military, among others.

All these are painful images of a current reality emphatically belying any claim that a political or socioeconomic revolution was indeed precipitated at EDSA. Yet one more image remains and perhaps it is this one that might serve to sufficiently outrage another critical mass and another generation of Filipinos toward a much more authentic revolutionary awakening.

Criminals do appear to have a compulsion to return to the scene of their crimes. A better-organized, better-informed and more truly revolutionary consciousness could be facilitated by the resurgence of these people who treated the Philippines as their private looting grounds for more than two decades. Revolts do not necessarily make for revolutionary outcomes, at best on for revolutionary potential. In the case of the 1986 Revolution, that potential was aborted.

Research Paper. People Power Revolution Essay

Marcos was deposed as a political ruler, but the political system which spawned him was not irreversibly destroyed and may even now be resurgent. The final lesson of EDSA has long been suspected by democratic sympathizers, although there have been few validations of their thesis. A democratic revolution cannot be initiated or sustained by self-serving elites.

Only an enlightened, self-serving citizenry can reliably initiate and sustain an enduring democracy. How to cite this page Choose cite format: