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Pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0

Salazar Pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 Magkaiba ang kasaysayan, na binibigyang-diin ang saysay, at historya, na nakatuon naman sa pagsisiyasat. Ipinaghahalintulad dito ang pananaw na tatluhang panahon ng mga propagandistang sina Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo del Pilar, at Jose Rizal.

Sa kasalukuyang panahon, sinasabing maaaring hindi na napapanahon ang reaktibong pananaw na ito na patuloy pa ring ginagamit sa pagbabalangkas ng kasaysayang Pilipino Abstrak mula sa aklat na Mga Babasahin sa Agham Panlipunang Pilipino: The Filipino view, however, was worked out even before the Spaniards were driven out of the country. It was, in fact, a major weapon in the ideological armory of the Filipino struggle against the Spanish colonial regime.

Elaborated during the Propaganda Movement, it became the historical worldview of the Revolution which was considered to be the final struggle to bring about the period of freedom from colonial bondage.

Imbibed by Filipinos of today as part of the revolutionary heritage, it still dominates ordinary Filipino thinking about Philippine history and history as such. By inextricably attaching our people's history to the colonial phenomenon, it in fact still nourishes what has been called "colonial mentality" down to the very depths of the popular and, to an extent, even professional historical consciousness. During the Propaganda and the Revolution, however, this tripartite view of our national history had a positive effect on the burgeoning national psyche.

The Indigenous and the Spanish Views We had, at the arrival of the Spaniards an indigenous sense of history, but scarce regard for the past as history. Unlike the French histoire which derives from the Greek word for "inquiry" whose Indo-European root, wid, had given Gothic witan German wissen, English wit or "knowledge" and Sanskrit Veda or "knowledge par excellence, mystical knowledge" ; or unlike even the German Geschichte from geschehen "to happen," as in a story of history, which are the meanings of the substantiveour word for "history" in Tagalog does not refer to knowledge, to the search for information or to what happened in the past as such.

Kasaysayan comes from saysay which means both "to relate in detail, to explain," and "value, worth, significance.

But kasaysayan is also "explanation," "significance," or "relevance" may saysay "significant, relevant;" walang saysay or walang kasaysayan, meaning "irrelevant; senseless". What was then important to us was the story and its significance, in so far as this could be explained and made relevant to a particular group.

Now, apart from the lack of reference to inquiry the methodological aspect which, up to the end of the Spanish regime, was hardly heededthat is exactly what history is all about, knowledge being actually meaning rendered understandable and relevant to a group of people. From their kasaysayan, however, our ancestors derived a different sense of history. For our ancestors had a sense of the eternal recurrence of natural and human phenomena: There would therefore be myths and legends about these recurrent "events," for they had kasaysayan ——meaning and relevance —— to their lives, to be explained and recounted in detail to everyone.

Our ethnic literatures and religions are replete with these explicative stories. Equally relevant to the community were the genealogies which made the elite families, descend from the gods, thus explaining their socio-political primacy. It was a practice common to the entire archipelago, closely connected with the religious ideology of the epics which, because they contained these "vain genealogies," were sung precisely under the auspices of the datus and maharlikas just as later, in the lowlands, the pasyon would be chanted in the epic fashion under the periodic sponsorship of the principales, the converted datus and maharlikas.

All this had kasaysayan, was meaningful and relevant; but the implicit historical sentiment behind every myth, legend, or ritual in the ancient worldview was "cyclical. This the Spanish advent provided as it confronted the Filipinos with a sequential pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 of events, together with an external interpretation of their actions within a non-recurrent time frame. Of course, the Christian philosophy of the friars was also cyclical in the sense that mankind's story started with Paradise where Adam and Eve had to fall from the Heavenly Father's grace before the Son could become Man to save their descendants in this world who, with the second coming of the Lord, would recover, if they merited it, the paradisiac condition of their primeval parents.

But, within that broad cosmic framework, the friars thought and reported on the Filipinos in linear terms. The chronicles recorded events in terms of change and movement, not of the timeless returning of form and ceremony. Even the recurrent feasts were considered unique occurrences because they differed from year to year, from celebration to celebration.

In any case, the events were taking place no longer in relation to the cyclical preoccupations of the various ethnic communities; they now had kasaysayan —— meaning and relevance —— in relation to the entire archipelago as a field for Hispanic colonial endeavor -- and, of course, to Spain as this "national" or Christian monarchic idea was understood by the religious and, occasionally, by more secular minds. A new direction was thus being imposed upon the lives and acts of Filipinos and that direction was understood and explained in the categories of a foreign historical consciousness.

This historical consciousness, for all its linearity, could have been acceptable to Filipinos, particularly when in the nineteenth century they had begun to understand and to feel the need for the Spanish archipelagic pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 of reference.

But the archipelago was even then considered simply as the stage for the action of Spain, so that the historical consciousness that viewed and integrated such action was, in the end, one which saw Philippine history as merely that of "Spain in the Philippines.

The historical vision of Spain in the Philippines was thus bipartite, with the barbarian and pagan condition of the Indios in the prehispanic past its first epoch and, as its second and continuing one, the advent of Spain and the spread of its civilizing influences in terms of polity and religion.

The image that one often gets from the chronicles to illustrate this historical view is that of transition from darkness to light, from infancy to progressive maturity. Such an historical ideology was naturally satisfying to the Spaniards and to hispanized Indios who had been fully detached from their cultural matrix.

  • In La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Rizal contrasted the backwardness of Filipinas in his time with the condition of the islands in the sixteenth century, when the early friar histories abounded … in long accounts of the industry and agriculture of the people —— mines, gold placers, looms, cultivated farms, barter, shipbuilding, poultry-and stock-raising, silk- and cotton-weaving, distilleries, manufacture of arms, pearl-fisheries, the civet industry, horn and leather industry, etc… Indolence, itself, a tendency common to all men, stemmed at once from misgovernment and its resultant backwardness for Filipinas;
  • From the moment its interest become incompatible with the unfolding of progress, the institution loses its efficacy, dies out, expires, and there is no human power capable of reestablishing its force against the currents of social evolution.

But, with rapid acculturation in the nineteenth century, the increase in the number of hispanized Indios and mestizos resulted in a consciousness dilemma among them. There are reasons enough for this. In the first place, the intensified conversion of the Filipino elite to Western cultural norms did not necessarily identify them with the true Westerners, the really "civilized ones," for they still felt themselves to be of the pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 earth.

In the second place, their increasing number excluded their easy acceptance into the "civilizing" Spanish elite, not only because of the socio-economic and political conditions of colonial rule but, perhaps more importantly, because of the weight of the elite mentality that derived from the bipartite historical ideology. Indeed, what would happen if the Filipinos ceased to be the object of Spanish historical molding? Clearly, they would then acquire an historical will of their own, constituting themselves into a different historical unit which possessed its own model of action in the world a destiny, in factan explanation for such an independent historical activity.

Finally, still feeling themselves natives while subconsciously wanting to be and sometimes being Spaniards, the hispanized youth of the second half of the nineteenth century where the ones who could really react to the racial and cultural calumny behind the bipartite view of Philippine history: The majority of Filipinos in the rural areas knew no Spanish and met no Spaniard save the priest to understand or care about all that insult to their ethnic honor.

The vision of Philippine history as Spanish action in the Philippines could therefore be felt only by the educated Indio or mestizo. And he could not accept it, if only because he knew his own worth but, in practice, felt its denial as a racial slur on his own person -- and that in the midst of what he quite clearly saw and experienced as tyranny over his own people. A counter-vision had thus to be conjured, a new and native interpretation of history formulated.

What they brought into being was a tripartite view of Philippine history which, essentially, would consist of the revision of the two-part Spanish philosophy of history and the addition of a third epoch.

This historical triptych represented a common worldview among the activists of the Propaganda and the Revolution. The propagandists and the pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 differed however in some of the finer points, primarily with regards to the role of Spain in the third epoch.

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On the whole, the propagandists were quite prepared to concede some positive role of Spain in Philippine history which, however, they now considered different somehow from simply that of "Spain in the Philippines. To be convinced of this capacity, one only had to turn to Negros and Iloilo, somewhat backward still, but nonetheless pulsating with native labor and commercial activity! Furthermore, in his tribute to Luna and Hidalgo, Jaena would trace this capacity back to prehispanic times, observing that in the history of "those islands of Malaysia," more emphasis and merit were given to "the civilizing mission of Spain" than to "the civilization of the race that inhabited that beautiful but ill-appreciated Archipelago —— the race to which Messrs.

Luna and Hidalgo belong. If this is not so, what do those precious ancient objects prove which have been found in the excavations around Libmanan and those very valuable jars, artistically shaped, decorated, and exquisitely made, whose origins and age are unknown, found pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 the excavations in Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Manila —— jars so highly esteemed in Japan and China, a sample of which is now found in the Ethnographic Museum of Berlin?

What do they show, those perfectly preserved mummies… excavated in the caves in Samar, some of whose inhabitants still possess the knowledge of the difficult art of embalming with aromatic herbs as done by the ancient Egyptians?

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What is the significance of the mining industry… among the so-called savage Igorots who, for centuries, have been mining copper… in the form of pyrites whose processing is considered in Europe to very complicated? It was clear that our ancestors had a civilization at the advent of Spain. Jaena was thus not only disproving a major premise of the bipartite view; he was likewise giving depth to our country's prehispanic past and, by this token, opening the horizons of the new historical consciousness to the subsequent researches of Beyer and the Filipino prehistorians and anthropologists who would come in his wake.

If the Filipinos had their own civilization prior to the Spanish conquest and continued in Jaena's time to possess an innate capacity for progress, then whatever they had achieved till then was only peripherally the responsibility of Spain.

As a matter of fact, they were prevented from progressing as rapidly as they could have by the circumstances of Spanish dominance. For the backwardness of the Philippines, asserts Jaena in "The Indios of the Philippines," was due not so much to "her resistance to culture" as it was "due -- let us say it very loud —— to the friar… who, by submerging the Indio in ignorance and fanaticism, found him to be an inexhaustible vein of exploitation.

Why was it coming and how was one to bring about its advent? Despite the friars, progress was evident in the Philippines. The obstacle to such relentless change should thus be eliminated; otherwise, it would "in the end… be thrown down headlong by the currents of civilization from foreign shores" cf. Consequently, for Filipinas to finally "see the sun of progress, liberty, and law shine over her horizons," it was imperative "for us all in solidum to pull it [the manzanillo or poisonous tree of friar rule] up by the roots and thereby render an immense service to our Motherland the Philippines and to all humanity" cf.

At first, Jaena thought that the task could be carried out in cooperation with the progressive pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 in Spain, which, in its liberal image as Motherland, had always been considered as well disposed to its "daughter" Filipinas.

But by 1891, Filipinas was herself already the Motherland for Jaena. In a letter to Rizal from Barcelona in the same year, he confided that "nothing can be expected from Spain nor from its Government, that if the Philippines wishes to enjoy rights and liberties, she herself must work for her redemption. It however accepted the Spanish view of Philippine cultural inferiority at the advent of Spain which, in its civilizing mission, was a "mother" to "daughter" Filipinas.

In fact, in the Plaridelian myth of the blood compact between Sikatuna and Legazpi, it was the duty of Spain to help Filipinas along the way to civilization, an internalized "white man's burden" so to say. The monastic orders would thus become obstacles to progress, in the Philippines as well as in Spain.

Consequently, they had to disappear or be made to disappear, for the "laws of history are inescapable. From the moment its interest become incompatible with the unfolding of progress, the institution loses its efficacy, dies out, expires, and there is no human power capable of reestablishing its force against the currents of social evolution.

An accelerated development was evident in the Philippines by the middle of the nineteenth century, with the opening of the Suez Canal. In fact, del Pilar would agree with Fray S.

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Font and the Dominican P. Ruiz in the view that the Philippines in their time had made more progress since the opening of the Suez Canal than during the three preceding centuries of Spanish colonial rule. A "new phenomenon" had ensued from all this, a "new social movement" resulting from contact with "the other nations of the universe.

Clearly, the next great period in Philippine history would be launched with the elimination of friar interference in Philippine affairs, of the intermediary role of monks in the colonial state under the pretext of preserving "national integrity. One way was revolution, but it should be availed of "only as a last remedy," for an uprising "does not establish any aim. To the very end, if we are to believe Zapanta, he in fact remained true to the program of assimilation —— i.

And all that this program required was the expulsion of the friars and the introduction of broad socio-political reforms, which would make the Filipinos true Spaniards, at least in rights and privileges. Whatever might happen, Filipinas was detained to free herself from friar rule. The archipelago, because of its very situation and wealth, could not remain isolated from "the progress other nations and neighboring colonies are awakening to.

The third period in Philippine history would therefore be an era of progress, preferably in a common future with the Mother country. Beyond this, del Pilar did not find it necessary to be more precise.

It was Rizal who tried to peer into the future in his Filipinas dentro de cien anos. His preferred scenario, according to him, was of course the assimilation of the Filipinos into the Spanish nation, where they would enjoy "egalitarian laws and free and liberal reforms. The Spaniards themselves were able to drive away the Arabs after seven centuries of domination. As for Filipinas, it was impossible pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 exterminate her six millions people, not only because that would cost Spain at least a third of its population but because no colony was useful without its natives.

How then would this liberated third period of Philippine history look like? In the course of the struggle, "bathed in blood and drenched in gall of tears," the colony would "perfect itself" while the Mother Country of necessity weakened. Conflict would thus have afforded the Filipinos the opportunity "to improve and strengthen their ethical nature. If they attained this freedom "after heroic and stubborn conflicts," the colonial powers like England, Germany, France, and Holland would not dare take up what Spain had been unable to hold.

Nonetheless, Rizal recognized the potential dangers to such fledgling republic, which had to be strong to be able to protect itself from the powers which, in his view, included not only the traditional colonialists of the area but likewise Japan, Russia, and the United States of America. Fortunately, he thought, there would not be any real threat from any of them, except probably America, if one were to judge from the geo-political situation in the late 1880's.

Nonetheless, Rizal also knew that the Philippines would very likely "defend with fierce courage the liberty secured at the price of so much blood pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0 sacrifice.

Perhaps the country will revive the maritime and mercantile life for which the islanders are fitted by nature, ability, and instincts, and once more free, like the bird that leaves its cage, like the flower that opens to the air, will recover the old virtues that are gradually dying out and will again become addicted to peace, cheerful, happy, joyous, hospitable, and fearless.

Such, despite all possible dangers, was the future Rizal saw for the third epoch in the history of Filipinas. And it was inevitable if Spain did not "give six millions Filipinos their rights so that they may be truly Spaniards.

Pre colonial na panahon tulang pilipino 0